Saturday, September 29, 2012

Cut from the Cloth



Cut from the cloth, and cut quite severely
Is this my world I no longer recognize
I'm hearing common words, common expressions
But nothing is common in my eyes

How do people sleep amidst the slaughter
Why would they vote in favor of their own defeat
Get out to the well and check the water (water water)
Results were incomplete

Cut from the cloth

Cut from the cloth, and dead to the masses
Just another case to be eulogized
But I'm breathing, breathing with no assistance
And responding to stimuli

Can anyone explain these new laws of nature
Why would they rule in favor of their own defeat
Cynics are excused from standing up to problems (problems problems)
Because they can't get out of their seats

Cut from the cloth, ran out screaming
I hope that none of this will stick to me
Everyone is nice, everyone is kind now
At least they're nice and kind to me

Why would they fold up something so precious
Why would they sing in favor of their own defeat
Maybe they found their voice while out shopping
The price was hard to beat

Cut from the cloth

Wednesday, September 19, 2012

Gang Violence by Ballot- Why Democracy is Bogus

Posted by Erik

“Even voting for the right is doing nothing for it. It is only expressing to men feebly your desire that it should prevail. A wise man will not leave the right to the mercy of chance, nor wish it to prevail through the power of the majority. There is but little virtue in the action of masses of men.” ~ Henry David Thoreau

Some reasons why I don't and won't vote: mp3 audio-- Democracies of any type make decisions via elections, the very essence of which transfers one’s will, thought, autonomy, and freedom to an outside power. It makes no difference whether one transfers that power to an elected representative or to an elusive majority. The point is that it’s no longer your own. Democracy has given it to the majority. You have been alienated from your capacity to determine the conditions of your existence in free cooperation with those around you.

There is an important distinction here. Parties are political in their claim to represent the interests of others. This is a claim to alienated power, because when someone takes power with a claim to represent me, I am separated from my own freedom to act...



In summary:

also see a newer post: Democracy Take 2

My issues with Democracies are more with representative Democracy than direct/participatory democracy, but neither is perfect.

"Democracy is freedom" is what I was taught, but no longer what I believe.  How is it "freedom", when the 'debate' or arguments are framed by the power elite as The Way, and The Light, and only its ends are sanctioned as solutions? Solutions outside the frame are excluded-- freedom, diversity, and autonomy die.

Our freedom of "choice" is typically A vs. B, yes vs. no, voting. Freedom is presented as a vote, but its a box. There is an illusion of participation, an illusion of freedom, and a presentation of right vs. wrong. The box becomes team against team, polarization, reductionism, sloganism, and often wedge-issues. The box is a predetermined narrow choice. Thesis vs. antithesis, and rarely synthesis. The teams become reactive, not proactive, and arguments outside the box may be ignored or rejected as outside the realm of acceptable because they are not the choices presented by the polity. The "Choice" given is believed/accepted as representing truth, the sanctity of democracy, and democracy as an end in itself. But it is the end of the self. The end of freedom. The end of choice. The end of autonomy. The individual becomes a subject of the voters, the subject of a master sovereign. The so-called freedom to decide via democracy is the right to kill the freedom of another (with the ballot box).

There is an illusion of a market of ideas, but voters are essentially consumers, if not spectators, feeding from the trough of A and B choices given to us by the producers that create and frame the agendas-- a shell-game we are supposed to care about or believe in. A game many think means freedom and power, but its merely the relinquishment of control. Some people do not vote for this reason, or the fact that the outcome is despised, or even the debate itself. As noted above, many people have to be urged to vote, and many are disgusted no matter what the outcome, or doubt anything real will emerge. This sentiment may lead to a complete lack of interest in voting at all.

The irony is that a failure to vote is viewed as a consent to be ruled. "If you don't vote you can't complain." "Can't complain"! F*ck off! I can and I will complain. "Can't complain" is exactly the retort I would expect from someone that believes in the freedom found in a box. Why should anyone have to submit to another, or a majority? Democracy is tyranny, it is the despotism of votes. The voter becomes a tyrant/despot by entering a voting booth. That's worth complaining about, vote or no vote. Besides, with A vs. B, someone is going to get the shaft. Is this OK? "Why would they vote (rule) in favor of their own defeat?" Ian Mackaye

The lesser of two (three or four...) evils may still be evil in the end. Not OK. That is not choice. "A" may be suicide, and B homicide. Democracy is the loading of the bullet by the ballot that triggers the death of freedom.

A fundamental issue is this: the freedom democracy purports to represent is not freedom. Democracy breaks the link between thought and action, or desire and fulfillment. The self organization of individuals, or unmediated interaction of free individuals, is crushed for a box of tyranny (of the majority or minority...and the majority may not even be a true majority if everyone doesn't vote. But that's besides the point.) Democracy creates a system where the conditions of our existence are not under our control. It is Rules, Rulers, and Ruled. Our desires are separated from our power to act. Voting transfers the will, or thoughts, or autonomy, or freedom, to an outside power. Democracy is not freedom, it is slavery, it is servitude. We are alienated from our own decisions, own actions, and free cooperation.

Oppression is supposed to be relieved by voting, yet voting is an act of aggression, and an act to become an oppressor. Voting asks that someone else submits, like it or not, and the State will carry out the act triggered by the vote, even if it requires the use of force or violence against others. Some sanctioned actions the State acts upon are "criminal" in nature. Freedom dies under authoritarianism.

Freedom is choice, not rights, but believing in rights goes hand-in-hand with democracy, as an outside force is necessary to protect those rights. However, "choice" in a democracy is usually an A and B dichotomy of submission to the gang's right to rule based on A or B. It is rights that limit choice, it is democracy that limits choice, and it is freedom from rights, or just freedom in choice, that is freedom.
You just have to realize that it is individuals standing up for their own moral choices who are the only defense of liberty. You don't have to wait for someone else to deliver whatever "right" you believe you are entitled to enjoy.  Make the choice to defend those freedoms you value.  And if someone tries to stomp on your freedom, you will have to choose what to do about it.  You can accept the stomping, and lose your freedom, by default.  Or you can fight back.  If you do so impulsively, stupidly, ineffectively, you can still lose and get stomped.  But with planning, ingenuity and perseverance, you can win. Especially if you have help from like-minded friends and allies. Maybe you won't, but it's a chance, and you decide if it's a chance worth fighting for. Your own choices are the only control you have over your life; they are also the source of any security or liberty you will achieve. Dabooda
Society can exist without the State, but reaching civility is not obtained by acting against sectors of society by voting, i.e. strong-arming others into the box of servitude. The result is not order, but chaos and disfranchisement, the election of a gang into the halls of authority with a league of bureaucratic thugs to see the racketeering is carried out.

The current mafioso election, and the 57th time we'll be duped:
OBAMA: Our challenge is to get people persuaded that we can make progress when there's no evidence of that in their daily lives. (actually said during the 56th primary?)
ROMNEY: My job is not to worry about those people. I'll never convince them that they should take personal responsibility and care for their lives.

In the end its not voting that really matters, but how we act with and towards others. With or without the State apparatus and voting, the real change or difference is in our actions towards or with others. Its not like voting really changes things, it is the actors in a "society" that do-- as Obama and Romney point out above. Although democracy manifests itself as legit, it essentially amounts to gang violence by ballot.
People whose agenda for building a better society depends on electoral politics are like rubes in a carnival audience, so distracted by the pretty assistant that they don’t pay attention to the magician’s hands. The real action is the stuff people are doing outside the state, without waiting for the state’s permission, to create the building blocks of a new society. Kevin Carson
"If voting changed anything, they'd make it illegal." Emma Goldman
With suffrage, or the universal vote, it is evident that the law is neither direct nor personal, any more than collective. The law of the majority is not my law, it is the law of force; hence the government based upon it is not my government; it is government by force.

That I may remain free; that I may not have to submit to any law but my own, and that I may govern myself, the authority of the suffrage must be renounced: we must give up the vote, as well as representation and monarchy. In a word, everything in the government of society which rests on the divine must be suppressed, and the whole rebuilt upon the human idea of contract.

When I agree with one or more of my fellow citizens for any object whatever, it is clear that my own will is my law; it is I myself, who, in fulfilling my obligation, am my own government.

Therefore if I could make a contract with all, as I can with some; if all could renew it among themselves, if each group of citizens, as a town, county, province, corporation, company, formed by a like contract, and considered as a moral person, could thereafter, and always by a similar contract, agree with every and all other groups, it would be the same as if my own will were multiplied to infinity. I should be sure that the law thus made on all questions in the Republic, from millions of different initiatives, would never be anything but my law; and if this new order of things were called government, it would be my government.

Thus the principle of contract, far more than that of authority, would bring about the union of producers, centralize their forces, and assure the unity and solidarity of their interests.

The system of contracts, substituted for the system of laws, would constitute the true government of the man and of the citizen; the true sovereignty of the people, the republic.

The Contract is Equality, in its profound and spiritual essence.—Does this man believe himself my equal; does he not take the attitude of my master and exploiter, who demands from me more than it suits me to furnish, and has no intention of returning it to me; who says that I am incapable of making my own law, and expects me to submit to his? Pierre-Joseph Proudhon
Vote for yourself, elect no one.
Legislation – at least the kind of legislation practiced by states – is not an alternative to violence but is rather a mode of violence. Those who favour persuasion over coercion should be seeking to reduce or eliminate it, not to glorify it.
Nor is violence an accidental feature of the state’s way of doing things. It is essential to states that they compel dissenters to go along with their projects; if they ceased to do this they would become mere wholesome voluntary associations, without the monopoly power that characterizes the state as such...
The state, after all, is just a particular (pathological) pattern of social activity, one constituted and sustained by the actions not only of the rulers but, crucially, of the ruled. The libertarian revolution is the only kind of revolution that doesn't by its nature require violence, since it doesn't need to take over the reins of power (either by electoral or insurrectionary means). Such a revolution can be nonviolent because it proceeds by building alternative institutions and gradually winning more and more people’s allegiance (if that’s not too statey a word) to those institutions. The pillars that uphold the state are, like Soylent Green, made of people; when the people walk away to form new patterns, the pillars dissolve and the state crumbles. No need to storm the barricades; just cease to prop them up.
By contrast with the all-or-nothing character of conventional political reform, where proposals have to be approved by 51% of the voters (or by 51% of a bunch of politicians elected by 51% of the voters) in order to be implemented, the libertarian revolution spreads incrementally, the way new products do – a few customers at a time. The revolution is complete when those still participating in the state’s institutions and practices are too few to cause any trouble to the rest of us. In Paul Goodman’s words: “A free society cannot be the substitution of a ‘new order’ for the old order; it is the extension of spheres of free action until they make up most of social life.”  Roderick Long
“It is error alone which needs the support of government. Truth can stand by itself.” ~ Thomas Jefferson


Representative democracy asks that we select a master, yet somehow unable to be masters ourselves, but the ability to make the leap from sovereignty to the selection of a sovereign begs whether we need to select the later at all, as we are capable of discerning what it takes by ourselves— representation leaves power with the representative once selected, at that point the voter sits on the sidelines and hopes for the best, practically powerless.


Thursday, September 6, 2012

Africa and the Curse of Foreign Aid



"Disfunction is not the way The System fails, disfunction is the way The System works. It provides opportunities for those in power..."


Wednesday, September 5, 2012

The Price Isn't Right

posted by Erik

As a kid I tuned into the Price Is Right every now and then, or watched it with my grandma-- quality time. What I didn't realize was just how Awesome Bob Barker is!

Consider this:
  • He tried to stop the show from awarding tickets to Sea World and the Calgary Stampede as prizes because they aren't the bastions of animal care they purport to be
  • He asked the show to stop giving away fur coats and leather jackets
  • He's donated millions of dollars to animal causes
  • He told audience members every show: “Help control the pet population: Have your pets spayed or neutered”
He got dissed on the 40th anniversary show, now hosted by Drew Carey. Barker was the host for 35 years, retiring in 2007. He began his animal rights journey in 1979.

While I don't appreciate being told what to consume or limiting choices in the market, I can appreciate Barker not feeling right about being a participant or actor in transactions he would not make himself. While I don't wish to participate either I can also understand a person's choice to make choices I would not. We may disagree in whether animals should have a voice, or choice, but wouldn't disagree that we shouldn't be afforded that 'luxury'...ironic. To me its an act of aggression that brings animals to the market or table-- its force, not freedom, or freedom of force if you like. Barbarity or a lack of empathy in my mind, but perfectly natural behavior to others. Circuses, zoos, and animal theme parks or animals used as captive 'entertainment' is equally appalling in my mind. Thanks for being their voice, knowing the price, and being consistent Bob!

story

Saturday, September 1, 2012

Fifteen Steps to Corporate Feudalism

posted by Erik

With all my anti-State talk in other posts, this is worth considering, some points I agree with, and I understand what Marker is saying:

but, there is an option missed here: free-market anti-capitalism.

Despite Marker's claim that the goal is less, or no government, the irony is that state-assisted robbery and corporate welfare got us to this supposed goal in the first place. Further, I question Marker's claim that Party libertarians want to eliminate government. They want minarchism, I'll concede, but not anarchism. I find it hard to believe Marker's line of thought, in that I doubt the corporate feudalists really want to stop sucking off the government tit and eliminate the flow of taxpayer subsidies, i.e corporate welfare. They want to roll off regulations, but not assistance, and they intend to get there via a country ran for, by, and of the corporation, not the people.

Back to the option missed by Marker. It comes from the "real" libertarians, on the left, not the faux libertarians in the Party System that co-opted the term/label traditionally held by the left. In Europe, left and libertarian are synonymous. Anyway,  this libertarianism is anti-government, but rather than minarchist, it is anarchist. There are strains that are collectivist/communist and others that are individualist/market-based. The latter is an alternate answer to the Party libs being over-looked by Marker.

The goal of the "free-market anti capitalists" is to abolish the state-driven monopolization of capital. Kevin Carson explains one variant, mutualism, as  "all relationships and transactions are non-coercive, and based on voluntary cooperation, free exchange, or mutual aid...; and the removal of statist privileges will result in the worker's natural wage, as Benjamin Tucker put it, being his full product." While both collectivist and individualist strains are far more complex and involved than a blog post can do justice to, Benjamin Tucker explains many differences here: State Socialism and Anarchism: How they agree and differ (1888)

Tucker considers four monopolies enforced by government as central to our enslavement, their abolition being a key to freedom/liberty. Ask yourself if you really think the "Libertarian" Party wants any of these monopolies abolished:
  1. the land monopoly... This monopoly consists in the enforcement by government of land titles which do not rest upon personal occupancy and cultivation...[There are three main rival theories of justice in holdings among free market libertarians--the Lockean, the Georgist, and the mutualist--with Lockeanism predominating. As Bill Orton has characterized their differences, the three schools agree fairly closely on the acquisition of property (i.e, by labor homesteading), but differ considerably on their rules for transfer and abandonment. All three schools agree that the only legitimate way of appropriating unowned land is homesteading by direct, personal occupation and alteration of it: as Locke put it, by admixture of labor. source]
  2. the money monopoly, which consists of the privilege given by the government to certain individuals, or to individuals holding certain kinds of property, of issuing the circulating medium, a privilege which is now enforced in this country by a national tax... if the business of banking were made free to all, more and more persons would enter into it until the competition should become sharp enough to reduce the price of lending money to the labor cost, which statistics show to be less than three-fourths of once per cent. In that case the thousands of people who are now deterred from going into business by the ruinously high rates which they must pay for capital with which to start and carry on business will find their difficulties removed. If they have property which they do not desire to convert into money by sale, a bank will take it as collateral for a loan of a certain proportion of its market value at less than one per cent. discount. If they have no property, but are industrious, honest, and capable, they will generally be able to get their individual notes endorsed by a sufficient number of known and solvent parties; and on such business paper they will be able to get a loan at a bank on similarly favorable terms. Thus interest will fall at a blow. The banks will really not be lending capital at all, but will be doing business on the capital of their customers, the business consisting in an exchange of the known and widely available credits of the banks for the unknown and unavailable, but equality good, credits of the customers and a charge therefor of less than one per cent., not as interest for the use of capital, but as pay for the labor of running the banks. This facility of acquiring capital will give an unheard of impetus to business, and consequently create an unprecedented demand for labor, – a demand which will always be in excess of the supply, directly to the contrary of the present condition of the labor market. Then will be seen an exemplification of the words of Richard Cobden that, when two laborers are after one employer, wages fall, but when two employers are after one laborer, wages rise. Labor will then be in a position to dictate its wages, and will thus secure its natural wage, its entire product. Thus the same blow that strikes interest down will send wages up. But this is not all. Down will go profits also. For merchants, instead of buying at high prices on credit, will borrow money of the banks at less than one per cent., buy at low prices for cash, and correspondingly reduce the prices of their goods to their customers. And with the rest will go house-rent. For no one who can borrow capital at one per cent. with which to build a house of his own will consent to pay rent to a landlord at a higher rate than that. Such is the vast claim made by Proudhon and Warren as to the results of the simple abolition of the money monopoly.
  3. the patent monopoly, which consists in protecting inventors and authors against competition for a period long enough to enable them to extort from the people a reward enormously in excess of the labor measure of their services, – in other words, in giving certain people a right of property for a term of years in laws and facts of Nature, and the power to exact tribute from others for the use of this natural wealth, which should be open to all. The abolition of this monopoly would fill its beneficiaries with a wholesome fear of competition which would cause them to be satisfied with pay for their services equal to that which other laborers get for theirs, and to secure it by placing their products and works on the market at the outset at prices so low that their lines of business would be no more tempting to competitors than any other lines.
  4. the tariff monopoly, which consists in fostering production at high prices and under unfavorable conditions by visiting with the penalty of taxation those who patronize production at low prices and under favorable conditions. The evil to which this monopoly gives rise might more properly be called misusury than usury, because it compels labor to pay, not exactly for the use of capital, but rather for the misuse of capital. The abolition of this monopoly would result in a great reduction in the prices of all articles taxed, and this saving to the laborers who consume these articles would be another step toward securing to the laborer his natural wage, his entire product. Proudhon admitted, however, that to abolish this monopoly before abolishing the money monopoly would be a cruel and disastrous policy, first, because the evil of scarcity of money, created by the money monopoly, would be intensified by the flow of money out of the country which would be involved in an excess of imports over exports, and, second, because that fraction of the laborers of the country which is now employed in the protected industries would be turned adrift to face starvation without the benefit of the insatiable demand for labor which a competitive money system would create. Free trade in money at home, making money and work abundant, was insisted upon by Proudhon as a prior condition of free trade in goods with foreign countries.
  5. not included by Tucker, and not really a monopoly per se, transportation subsidies, without which the face of our world would be vastly different to say the least, and without which giant corporations would not be so giant. Who's to blame for these subsidies, and why do we have them? Which brings the utilities monopoly to mind...
To expand on #1, Proudhon puts it this way: "We do not ask why the earth has been appropriated to a greater extent than the sea and the air; we want to know by what right man has appropriated wealth which he did not create, and which Nature gave to him gratuitously."

While I admire Marker's claims, he's off the mark on several points and has forgotten important viable exceptions outside his box, that still call for the demolition of the State, not to mention any form of privilege. A world where hierarchy, or monopoly of power is removed, and exploitation or domination are gone with it, as they are bedfellows.
Classical liberals (a.k.a. market liberals) advocate a free market economy. Socialism seeks a world where the means of production are owned by workers. Many market anarchists believe that freed markets lead to that world. The state-granted monopoly privileges and rents deigned to the purchasers and wielders of political power removed, the amount of economic opportunity available to working class people would outpace the bureaucratic and artificial economies of the existing corporate-dominated marketplace. source
Vulgar libertarianism refers to those who treat the existing marketplace as one which closely approximates how a freed market would look.  Kevin Carson quotes Studies in Mutualist Political Economy in his essay Contract Feudalism:
Vulgar libertarian apologists for capitalism use the term “free market” in an equivocal sense: they seem to have trouble remembering, from one moment to the next, whether they’re defending actually existing capitalism or free market principles. So we get [a] standard boilerplate article… arguing that the rich can’t get rich at the expense of the poor, because “that’s not how the free market works”— implicitly assuming that this is a free market. When prodded, they’ll grudgingly admit that the present system is not a free market, and that it includes a lot of state intervention on behalf of the rich. But as soon as they think they can get away with it, they go right back to defending the wealth of existing corporations on the basis of “free market principles.”
Libertarians will often condemn the existing aspects of state power and interference in the market but then leap to the defense of those who benefit from the existing order in the same breath.  Conservatives are generally far worse on this front than libertarians but both groups shy from committing anything which smells like class warfare.

Roderick Long has recast this idea of vulgarity into the more descriptive and less polemical right and left conflationisms. A right conflationist is someone who defends existing property relations as being close enough to a free market to be considered legitimate.  A left conflationist is someone who conflates existing holders of wealth as evil or undeserving a la “eat the rich!” The truth lies, as in most things, somewhere in the murky middle ground.

(And, as Jeremy Weiland is fond of saying, “let the free market eat the rich!“) source

Marker needs a second edition, but doubt he would consider the options of left libertarians. Hopefully the smaller government he fears, created by corporations we loathe bite them in their own ass, and people start to see that we have an opportunity here, to make something great from smaller government, to turn to something the "free" marketeers ultimately fear, a "freed" market autonomous from State tinkering. Because a truly free market would mean the demise of the corporate feudalism Marker derides.
Thirty-five years ago, the great libertarian hero Karl Hess wrote: “I have lost my faith in capitalism” and “I resist this capitalist nation-state,” observing that he had “turn[ed] from the religion of capitalism.”[13] Distinguishing three senses of “capitalism” — market order, business-government partnership, and rule by capitalists — helps to make clear why someone, like Hess, might be consistently committed to freedom while voicing passionate opposition to something called “capitalism.” It makes sense for freed-market advocates to oppose both interference with market freedom by politicians and business leaders and the social dominance (aggressive and otherwise) of business leaders. And it makes sense for them to name what they oppose “capitalism.” Doing so calls attention to the freedom movement’s radical roots, emphasizes the value of understanding society as an alternative to the state, [emphasis mine] underscores the fact that proponents of freedom object to non-aggressive as well as aggressive restraints on liberty, ensures that advocates of freedom aren’t confused with people who use market rhetoric to prop up an unjust status quo, and expresses solidarity between defenders of freed markets and workers — as well as ordinary people around the world who use “capitalism” as a short-hand label for the world-system that constrains their freedom and stunts their lives. Freed-market advocates should embrace “anti-capitalism” in order to encapsulate and highlight their full-blown commitment to freedom and their rejection of phony alternatives that use talk of freedom to conceal acquiescence in exclusion, subordination, and deprivation.  source