Thursday, December 20, 2012

Boom and Busted Cliff



http://workandwealth.com/



end of summary from Lindy Davies
♦and so comes the bailout… EMn

it’s not a radical’s job to try to find a way to keep the apparatus of government or the apparatus of global finance capital running efficiently. Our only job is to demand that people be freed of the coercive and exploitative demands of both.)…if the government repudiates its debts then they may no longer be willing to buy up government bonds in the future. Now, this might seem like a bad thing if you think it’s important to make sure that the US government is always able to issue more bonds in order to raise more money. But how desirable or even acceptable that is is going to look will depend (in part) on how desirable or even acceptable you think it is for the US government to have lots of ready cash…the overwhelmingly dominant function of government, in everything it does, is overwhelming dominance; it is characteristically an institution of violence against the governed, not a service to them. Charles Johnson 

 Government debt (financed state capitalism) for centrally planned pet projects of shiny-rimmed “national security” etc. is not anything I signed up to pay for. But like a “bagman and gunman” the parasite’s expenses became “our” debt. Is the gentrification of the world a business-plan? The debt is illegitimate. The state is not my agent. Yet my money is demanded to pay the interest on bonds and beyond for a parasitic minority’s ponzi scheme called state capitalism. Let it crash and burn off the fiscal cliff, and suffer the justice of the “free” market rather than perpetuate the criminal journey of riding the saw-blade of booms and busts.

the government incurred obligations without knowing for sure that it would have the money to pay its bills. Why is it allowed to do that? Oh, that’s right. It’s the government. Sheldon Richman

Saturday, December 8, 2012

Democractic Alternantives


Democracy was blasted in two earlier posts (here and here). Is there a better way? Democracy will always have the ills cited in those earlier posts, with perhaps the exception of the information problem, but nonetheless it is not as though democracy is bad as noted earlier either, just not really democratic as democracy stops with the vote, after this point, as Proudhon noted, "the anti-democratic work begins."

When I first discovered anarchism I had lots of misconceptions (I'm sure I'm probably still harboring a few depending on which variety of anarchist you ask). One thing (of many things) I had trouble conceptualizing was where action and change would cross consensus and democracy. Programming myself to hate government blinded me to the viability of democracy when consensus is not practical, as well as the difference between state and government, or perhaps state and *governance.*

The Ostrom's taught me a great deal about how to successfully manage commons. In a similar fashion much of the talk below taught me how to see democracy a little differently  Like Ostrom's wisdom, Cindy Milstein, and Stephen Shalom made me feel better about consensus and 'democracy'.



FTP






Wednesday, December 5, 2012

Robert Anton Wilson-- Natural Law, or Don’t Put a Rubber on Your Willy

source
...Absolutists of all sorts — not just the Natural Law theorists — have always wanted to abolish disagreements by finding “one truth” valid for all participants in the life experience. Because each brain makes its own transactions with energy, turning energy into such “signals” as it can decode in its habitual grid, this totalitarian dream of uniformity seems neurologically impossible. Each of us “is” the Master who makes the grass green, and each of us makes it brighter or duller green depending on how awake we are or how deeply we are hypnotized or depressed. The case for individualism rests entirely on the fact that, each individual being neurologically-experimentally unique, each individual, however “queer” or “perverse” or “alien” they may seem to local prejudice, probably knows something that no other individual has ever noticed. We all have something to learn from one another, if we stop trying to ram our dogmas down everybody else’s throat and listen to one another occasionally.
“Subjectivism,” then, applies more to the Absolutists that to modern post-relativity and post-quantum thinkers. The Absolutist has found one way of organizing energy into signals — one model — which has become his or her favorite brain program. This model, being a brain product, retains autobiographical (subjective) elements, and the Absolutist is deluded in projecting it outward and calling it “reality.” The “modern” view seems more “objective” in saying, at each point, “Well, that model may have some value, but let’s look back at the energy continuum and see if we can decode more signals, and make a bigger or better model.” The Absolutist, insisting that his/her current model contains all truth, appears not only more subjective, but unconscious of his/her subjectivity, and thus “bewitched” or hypnotized by the model. In insisting that his “one true model” or Idol should be satisfactory to all other brains, and especially in the favorite Absolutist error of assuming that all other brains which do not accept this “one true model” as the only possible model must be illogical or dishonest and somehow nasty, the Absolutist always tends toward totalitarianism, even in sailing under the flag of libertarianism.
Blake said, “One Law for the Lion and Ox is tyranny.” But even more, one “truth” for the Lion and Ox is impossible. There will always be different lanes for different brains, different scenes for different genes, different strokes for different folks.
We can negotiate meaningfully when we understand those neurological facts. When we think we have the “one true model,” we cannot negotiate but only quarrel, and, in politics, usually we fight and kill....




Wednesday, November 28, 2012

Rats! e-book and a message from Assange

http://rats-nosnitch.com/

free e-book, pdf, or Kindle files

Rats is the work of ex-cops, lawyers, security experts, experienced activists, outlaws, former outlaws, trained interrogators, and more. In the hour or so it takes you to read their information, you'll gain a lifetime's worth of armor against snitches, informers, informants, agents provocateurs, narcs, finks, and similar vermin.

Almost counter intuitive to the above, but "democracies die behind closed doors...if we don't do something about it we all run the risk of losing the democracy we have treasured for so long" J Assange



http://www.democracynow.org/2012/11/29/exclusive_julian_assange_on_wikileaks_bradley

Wednesday, November 21, 2012

Alienated Inalienist

Posted by Erik

Lately I've been fascinated with some of David Ellerman's works on alienation. He has a blog here: www.blog.ellerman.org, and several websites. The one that originally caught my attention was abolish humanrentals.org, the basis of which is pretty much summed up below. In essence, humans can't be rented, just as they can't be sold, so 'democratically controlled' worker-owned cooperatives should be the standard. I'm not sure Ellerman also thinks 'cost should be the limit of price' or that workers should receive their 'full product,' but what he proposes seems agreeable enough to me, or at least how he approached this fundamental issue.

One of Ellerman's main critiques is that there has been a misframing of the "standard liberal coercion-versus-consent dichotomy" (http://www.blog.ellerman.org/2012/07/the-pons-asinorum-of-political-economic-theory/)

He posted his critique in brief here:
I have been struck by the narrowness of the spectrum between the right liberals (Deirdre's nice phrase) and the high liberals...One example is the most basic and almost defining misframing used by liberalism of the contrast between coercion and consent. Various shades of left-liberals, not to mention socialists, play an important social role of validating that misframing and then just taking the other side by arguing that, say, the employment relation is "really" coercive in various ways (all the way from the distribution of property to pee-breaks).
Yet political thinkers (particularly of civic republican bent) such as Quentin Skinner and Otto Gierke, have long been clear that since the sophisticated defense of most any form of autocracy has been that it is based on an implicit social contract (vouchsafed by the prescription of time)-- that the real division is between (1) consent to contracts of alienation (e.g., pactum subjectionis of Hobbes) that alienate/transfer the right of self-governance, and (2) consent to contracts which only delegate the exercise of that right to delegates, representatives, or trustees to be exercised in the name of the governed. That is the old translatio vs. concessio debate that seems to be intellectually "unavailable" across the liberal spectrum surveyed and remixed by Tomasi. And unavailable for a good reason.
The principal virtue of the consent versus coercion framing in modern debates is that it puts political democracy and the employment contract on the same side of the dichotomy that frames the debate. And hence the importance of "bleeding-heart" lefties that accept that misframing, and want to argue about trade unions and pee-breaks. Since even the dullest commentator knows that the employer is not the representative or delegate of the employees, the more telling framing of the debate would put political democracy and the human rental contract on opposite sides of the framing dichotomy--which is why that framing is "unavailable."
Fortunately there is a deeper tradition that descends from the Reformation and Enlightenment and that is based on inalienable rights arguments against the alienation contracts per se (not against their abuses). Alienation contracts such as the self-sale contract, the nondemocratic constitution, and the coverture marriage contract have all been outlawed in the western democracies (although there are liberal attempts to revive consent-based nondemocratic government in the idea of charter cities, "free cities," and seasteading). 
Only the self-rental contract remains, and that is why it is so interesting to see Tomasi and the assembled writers as sticking to the consent-coercion misframing, and ignoring the inalienable rights tradition that outlawed those three other alienation contracts.

^"standard liberal coercion-versus-consent dichotomy"

Ellerman suggests this instead: "The real issue: Alienation-versus-delegation for voluntary institutions":

also see: http://www.blog.ellerman.org/2010/03/inalienable-rights-part-i-the-basic-argument-2/

I like this approach and most of his critiques* of "libertarians," although most of them miss and cross the bow of left libertarianism, and rightly fall onto right libertarianism, though some on the left end probably make the same mistake/misframing. (*see http://www.blog.ellerman.org/2012/06/listen-libertarians-part-i/)

Although I agree, at this point in time, my left-libertarian mindset lured me into seeing the following issues with Ellerman's reframing:
I have a concern similar to Matthew MacKenzie above(this was my comment on his post: http://www.blog.ellerman.org/2010/03/inalienable-rights-part-iii-a-litmus-test-for-liberalism/). You touched on my concern briefly when answering James. I’m having difficulty seeing how democracy is not alienation, and how the re-framing you suggest, while admirable, still falls short (http://www.blog.ellerman.org/wp-content/uploads/2012/08/ListenLibs2.jpg). I can see direct democracy or participatory democracy being less likely to alienate than representative democracy, but not immune to alienation– especially if the constitution/contract was not agreed to by one or more citizen/employee. Further, it seems voting is alienist as its often no more than renting because voting separates the will from the power to act and transfers it to someone else (renting representative(s), the state, or the public). In addition, to use your words “control exercised in the master’s own interests” is very suggestive of positive political theory and the idea that politicians are self-interested actors. For these reasons, democracy seems alienist (esp. representative democracy), and in my mind you need to add a few more boxes to your re-framing. maybe like this: https://docs.google.com/file/d/0BxtZ-hLgmVaVZlZIUjM1dXJDajQ/edit?pli=1
I [added] in brackets[ ] to Ellerman's eloquent and brief summary below of the main problem, which I tried to address in my edited version of his chart on the alienation-versus-delegation reframing.
“Obedience to the employer [voter or state, and/or representative] is “counted” as “fulfilling” the contract [vote and/or constitution] on the part of the employee [state or voter, and/or representative], and the payment of wages [and provided services [perhaps from money taken by force]] counts as fulfilling the contract on the part of the employer [voter or state, and/or representative]. Thus both sides “fulfill” a voluntary contract [vote and/or constitution]. Then the institutionalized fraud of renting persons can parade upon the stage of human institutions as a normal voluntary contract vouchsafed by today’s secular clergy of [politicians,] economists, lawyers, and philosophers.”


I don't know that my edited reframing is entirely correct, but for the time being I'll assume that it is. All Power To All People!

Proudhon summed up one of the problems with the alienation of politics nicely: "democracy...exists fully only at the moment of elections and for the formation of legislative power. This moment once past, democracy retreats; it withdraws into itself again, and begins its anti-democratic work. It becomes AUTHORITY." see this older post in this blog for the rest of Proudhon's genius: the solution of social problem

Now if I could just fit Josiah Warren's 'cost is the limit of price' into my revision...

Thanks David!